\ft ”k[3]lIngayu; kilIngayu
\or ”k[3]lIngayu(2)
\ncr ”k[3]lIngayu and k[3]lIngayu(2) were recorded at one point in the
elicitation, while kilingayu was recorded at another.
\ncr ” k[3]lIngayu(2) was spoken by Informant 2.
\ncr Standard orthography based on the recordings: kilingayu
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft "k[3]lIngayu and ”k[3]lIngayu(2): “3” represents the symbol for an
unrounded open-mid central vowel in Flint's transcription. It is written in
above a schwa in Flint's transcription.
\ncft kilIngayu ("other recordings" field): this entry for “sick” was recorded
in association with the entry ko”lajinyi (the Garawa term for “in the head”).
See the entry ko”lajinyi immediately below.
\fg
\ncfg
\fft sick
\ncfft
\os Belfrage 1997:30: kili (intrans vb) (“1. be sick; 2. remain; 3. stay”)
Belfrage 1997:40: lunji (intrans vb) (“be sick”)
\ncos Both of these are analysed as intransitive verbs in Belfrage 1997.
However, Furby & Furby (1977) and Osborne (1966) analyse it as a nominal in a
(verbless) topic-comment clause:
Furby & Furby 1977:75(e.g.13)
….. nanda-[ ] jala lunyji-[ ]
….. that-NOM when sick-NOM
“…(or) when he is sick.”
Osborne 1966:15
”barriwa ngayu kili
already I sick
I’m sick
This is the analysis which we have adopted.
\na kili-[ ] ngayu
\ncna
\ng sick-NOM 1sg.subj
\ncng Translation: “I am sick”
\ft ko”lajinyi
\or
\ncr Standard orthography based on the recording: kulajinyi
\sd prepositional phrases
\ncft This entry was recorded in association with the entry kilIngayu (“sick”)
(see entry ”k3lIngayu; kilIngayu immediately above).
\fg
\ncfg
\fft in the head
\ncfft
\os
\ncos
\na
\ncna
\ng
\ncng
\ft ”bIrkalanyi ”ngayu
\or
\ncr The two informants, speaking simultaneously, first give ”bIrkalanyi alone
in response to the English phrase. The recording of this utterance, however, is
not very clear, and is not included here.
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg
\ncfg
\fft hungry (or to be hungry)
\ncfft Flint’s transcription has both glosses.
\os Belfrage 1997:7: birrkalanyi (adv) (“1. hungry; 2. craving”)
\ncos
\na birrkalanyi ngayu
\ncna
\ng hungry 1sg.subj
\ncng Translation: “I am hungry”
\ft ngayu markiba
NOTE: there is no recording which corresponds exactly to this transcription. See
"other recordings" field.
\or ngayu markiba ngayu
\ncr ngayu markiba ngayu ("other recordings" field) was spoken by informant 2.
Standard orthography of his pronunciation: ngayu marrkijba ngayu.
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg
\ncfg
\fft (I am) thirsty
\nfft
\ncfft
\os
\ncos
\na ngayu marrki-jba (ngayu)
\ncna
\ng 1sg.subj thirsty-UNM (1sg.subj)
\ncng Translation: "I am thirsty"
\ft janba nangka wOlani
\or
\ncr Informant's pronunciation approaches janybaya nangka wulandi (standard
orthography).
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg dead
\ncfg The meaning of the sentence given by the informant appears to be
“He/she/it died yesterday”.
\fft
\ncfft
\os Belfrage 1997:19: janyba (reflexive vb) (“1. be sick; 2. be dead”)
Belfrage 1992:37: janyba (reflexive vb) (“die”) (section 3.4.6)
\ncos
\os Belfrage 1992:38, e.g. 3.88.9:
nanda badibadi-[ ] jany-ba nangk = i waluwa
that.spec:NOM old woman-NOM die-UNM 3sg.REFL=PAST before
nganyi
2sg.poss
That old woman died before your (arrival).
\ncos
\os Belfrage 1997:71 wulani (adv) (“yesterday”)
\ncos
\na jany-ba=ya na-ngka wulani
\ncna
\ng die-UNM=YA 3sg-REFL yesterday
\ncng Translation: "He/she/it died yesterday".
\ft ”naaki ”bajangun ”janban [’]ngangka ”wulanyi
\or ”bajangun; ”janban [’]ngangka; ”wulanyi
\ncr ”naaki ”bajangun ”janban [’]ngangka ”wulanyi ("flint's transcription"
field): The informant's pronunciation approaches ngaki bajangun janybayan nangka
wulanyi (standard orthography)
\ncr janban [']ngangka ("other recordings" field): standard orthography based on
the recording: janybaya nangka.
\ncr ”wulanyi ("other recordings" field): informant's pronunciation sounds like
wulan.
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft Flint’s original transcription: y and i of ”wulanyi are marked with
devoicing diacritics
\fg
\ncfg
\fft My dog died last night
\ncfft
\os Belfrage 1997:19: janyba (refl verb) (“1. be sick; 2. be dead”)
Belfrage 1992:37: janyba (refl vb) (“die”) (section 3.4.6)
\ncos
\os Belfrage 1992:38, e.g. 3.88.9:
nanda badibadi-[ ] jany-ba nangk = i waluwa
that.spec:NOM old woman-NOM die-UNM 3sg.REFL=PAST before
nganyi
2sg.poss
That old woman died before your (arrival).
\ncos
\os Belfrage 1997:71 wulani (adv) (“yesterday”)
\ncos
\os Osborne 1966:11 (various examples) bajangun (“dog”)
\ncos
\na ngaki bajangun-[ ] jany-ba=ya na-ngka wulanyi
\ncna
\ng 1sg.poss dog-NOM die-UNM=YA 3sg-REFL yesterday
\ncng Translation: "My dog died yesterday".
\ft ngayu ”maral(w)angayu ”miyanyi
NOTE: There is no recording which corresponds exactly to this transcription. See
"other recordings" field.
\or ngayu marralwaya miyanyi
\ncr ngayu marralwaya miyanyi ("other recordings" field): this is transcribed on
the basis of the recording (Phonemic representation). Final y and i of miyanyi
are devoiced.
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft ”maral(w)angayu: in Flint's original transcription, the w is bracketed (as
shown here) and inserted into the word by a carrot symbol.
\ncft Flint’s original transcription: Final y and i of ”miyanyi are marked with
devoicing diacritics.
\fg
\ncfg
\fft I am afraid
\ncfft
\os Belfrage 1992:35: marrala is categorised as a semi-transitive verb, which
projects a [NOM, DAT] case frame (section 3.4.4).
\ncos
\os Belfrage 1997:47: miya (noun) (“snake” (generic))
\ncos
\na ngayu marralwa-[ ]=ya ngayu miya-nyi
\ncna
\ng 1sg.subj be afraid-UNM=YA 1sg.subj snake-DAT
\ncng See note on =YA in "Garawa Grammar".
\ncng Translation: “I am afraid of the snake”.
\ft maralwangayu bilboalingana miawanyi??/miowanyi??
\or bilboalingana miawanyi; maralwangayu(2);
maralwangayu mianyi; bilboalingana; bilboalingana miawanyi(2)
\ncr The sentence given in \ft is the final “correct” form given by the
informant. The various fragments in the "other recordings" field are extra
tokens of the various words, given during the process of clarifying the
sentence. mianyi is not part of the final sentence (given in the "flint's
transcription" field); rather, it is part of the following sequence on the
recording: maralwangayu mianyi … bilboalingana … bilboalingana miowanyi (the
dots show interruptions by Flint).
\ncr maralwangayu bilboalingana miawanyi??/miowanyi?? ("flint's transcription"
field): standard orthography based on the recording: marralrrangayu
bijbawalingana miyawanyi.
\ncr bilboalingana (all utterances): standard orthography based on the
recordings: bijbawalingana. See note on vowel glide allophones in "Garawa
phonemes and orthography".
\ncr maralwangayu (utterances in "other recordings" field): standard orthography
based on the recordings: maralrrangayu.
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft Flint’s original transcription has miowanji, but with “a?” written in
above the o. I assume that the phoneme is /a/, and that [o] is heard due to
lip-rounding done in anticipation of the following [w].
\fg
\ncfg
\fft Are you frightened of the snake?
\ncfft
\os Belfrage 1992:35: marrala is categorised as a semi-transitive verb, which
projects a [NOM, DAT] case frame (section 3.4.4)
\ncos
\os Belfrage 1997:47: miya (noun) (“snake” (generic))
\ncos
\os Belfrage 1997:6: bijba (trans verb) (“bite”)
\ncos
\na marralrra-[ ] ngayu bi-jba=wali ngana mia-wanyi
\ncna
\ng be afraid-UNM 1sg.subj bite-UNM=ABIL 1sg.obj snake-ERG
\ncng =wali is the form of the abilitative clitic which occurs with verbs
(Belfrage 1992:71 (table 16)). The abilitative clitic's unmarked meaning is
“might” or “would” (Belfrage 1992:87). In the "comments on the recording" field
above, the phonemic representation of the informant's pronunciation of
"bilboalingana" is bijbawalingana. However, the presence of w can hardly be
discerned in some of the utterances. The above analysis with =wali is tentative.
\ncng Translation: “I am afraid that the snake might bite me”.
\ft ngyinduya baradan
There is no recording which corresponds exactly to this transcription. See
"other recordings" field.
\or ngyinduya baradanan; ngyinduya; baradan; baradan(2)
\ncr ngyinduya baradanan ("other recordings" field): the informant's
pronunciation sounds like ngyinduya bardardanan.
\ncr baradan (all utterances): informant's pronunciation varies, but approaches
bardardan.
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg ngyinduya baradan
cries baby
\ncfg
\fft The baby cries
\ncfft
\os Belfrage 1997:57: ngindu (intrans verb) (“1. cry; 2. grieve for”)
\ncos
\na ngyindu=ya baradan-[ ] (nan)
\ncna
\ng cry=YA baby-NOM (??)
\ncng see note on =YA in “Garawa Grammar”
\ncng Translation: "The baby cries"
\ft kulungujbaya bararan
NOTE: There is no recording which corresponds exactly to this transcription. See
"other recordings" field.
\or kulungujbayanan bararan; [….] kulungujbaya
\ncr bararan: informant's pronunciation approaches bardardan.
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg
\ncfg
\fft Little baby is getting dirty
\ncfft The informant provided the translation of this sentence.
\os
\ncos
\na kulungu-jba=ya (nan) bararan-[ ]
\ncna
\ng get dirty-UNM=YA (that) baby-NOM
\ncng see note on =YA in “Garawa Grammar”
\ncng I assume that (nan) (which does not appear in Flint's transcription,
corresponds to the demonstrative pronoun nana or nani (as in Osborne's 1966
data).
\ncng Translation: "The baby is getting dirty".
\ft ”wajangana yaen baya ”nanaman
\or ”wajangana yaen baya
\ncr ”wajangana yaen baya ”nanaman ("flint's transcription" field): this
recording contains an interjection (“nanaman”) by Flint.
\ncr ”wajangana yaen baya ("nanaman) ("flint's transcription" field and "other
recordings" field): Standard orthography based on the recordings: wajanana
yanybaya (nanaman).
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg
\ncfg
\fft He talks too fast.
\ncfft
\os Belfrage 1997:62: waja (adv) (“quickly”)
\ncos
\na waja nana yanyba=ya nanaman
\ncna
\ng quickly that speak=YA that one
\ncng
\ft ”yanbinaki
\or ”yanbinaki(2)
\ncr The informant's pronunciation approaches yanybi ngaki (standard
orthography).
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg yanbi naki
talk me
\ncfg
\fft Talk to me.
\ncfft
\os
\ncos
\na yanyb-i naki
\ncna
\ng speak-IMP 1sg.DAT
\ncng Word-final i seems to express the imperative mood here (see note on the
imperative in “Garawa Grammar”).
\ncng Translation: “Talk to me!”
\ft ”biri bangayu ”wanga[t]
\or ”biri bangayu ”wanga[t](2); ”biri bangayu; ”biri bangayu(2); ”wanga[t];
”wanga[t](2)
\ncr ”wanga[t] (all utterances): The informant pronounces this word with a
word-final tap, and Flint uses the symbol t to represent the sound. The use of
this symbol is rare in Flint’s data, as he generally transcribes all rhotics as
r, not distinguishing between a trill/tap and an approximant. Furby observes
that in word-final position the “apico-alveolar vibrant” phoneme is in free
variation with a voiceless flap (1974:4). In several of the instances of
"wanga[t] the word-final tap has a schwa-like offset.
\ncr ”biri bangayu ”wanga[t] ("flint's transcription" field) and ”biri bangayu
”wanga[t](2) ("other recordings" field): Standard orthography based on the
recordings: birijba ngayu wangarr (rr = t).
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft ”wanga[t]: t is bracketed here because it is marked with a question mark
in Flint's transcription. It appears to be a tentative replacement of r, which
Flint originally transcribed in this position.
\fg
\ncfg
\fft I will sing a song.
\ncfft
\os Belfrage 1997:66: wangarr (noun) (“a song (men’s singing only)”)
\ncos
\os Belfrage 1997:6: birijba (trans verb) (“sing”)
\ncos
\na biri-jba ngayu wangarr-[ ]
\ncna
\ng sing-UNM 1sg.subj song-NOM
\ncng Translation: “ I sing a song”
\ft yanba ngayu biriba wangat??/wangar??
\or ngayu; biriba wangat; biriba wangat(2)
\ncr ”wangat??/wangar?? (all utterances): The informant pronounces this word
with a word-final tap, and Flint uses the symbol t to represent the sound. The
use of this symbol is rare in Flint’s data, as he generally transcribes all
rhotics as r, not distinguishing between a trill/tap and an approximant. Furby
observes that in word-final position the “apico-alveolar vibrant” phoneme is in
free variation with a voiceless flap (1974:4).
\ncr yanba ngayu biriba wangat??/wangar?? ("flint's transcription" field): the
informant's pronunciation approaches yanyba ngayu biriba wangarr (rr = t)
(standard orthography).
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft wangat??/wangar??: t is written in above r in Flint’s transcription and
may be intended to replace r.
\fg
\ncfg
\fft Say it
\ncfft Flint’s gloss on the recording: “You say that word, say it …. There is a
word, like yanba …. How would you tell me ‘say it, say yanba’?”.
\os Belfrage 1997:66: wangarr (noun) (“a song (men’s singing only)”)
\ncos
\os Belfrage 1997:6: birijba (trans verb) (“sing”)
\ncos
\na yany-ba ngayu biri-jba wangarr-[ ]
\ncna
\ng say-UNM 1sg.subj sing-UNM song-NOM
\ncng Possible translation: ?? “I am speaking and singing a song”.
\ft yanbi naki ninji??/ninki??
\or ngayu wanya ninji yanba[yi] ngaki; wanya ninji yanba[yi] ngaki
yanbi naki; ngari; yanbi naki ninki; ninji
\ncr ngayu wanya ninji yanba[yi] ngaki ("other recordings" field) and wanya
ninji yanba[yi] ngaki ("other recordings" field): These represent the
informant’s first response to Flint’s elicitation. Flint has crossed this
sentence out in his original transcription, and I have transcribed it on the
basis of the recordings. The meaning of this sentence is not clarified on the
recording, but it appears to match the English elicitation “What did you say?”
to some degree:
ngayu wanya-[ ] ninji yanba=yi ngaki
1sg.subj what-ACC(??) 2sg.subj say=PAST 1sg.DAT
What did you say to me?
wanya may correspond to the interrogative pronoun wanyi-/wanyja- (Furby
1972:18). The role of the 1sg.subj pronoun is unclear.
The verb yanyba ("to speak") sometimes takes a direct object. The direct object
is the utterance or language that is spoken (Belfrage 1992:36-37).
\ncr yanbi naki ninji??/ninki?? ("flint's transcription" field): standard
orthography based on the recording: yanybi ngaki ninji.
\ncr ninji??/ninki??: although there is some variation, the informant's
pronunciation generally seems to be ninji.
\ncr yanbi naki and ngari ("other recordings" field): These belong together on
the tape, but are separated by an interruption. ngari does not occur in the
final version of the phrase.
\ncr On the recording, the informant appears (although it is unclear) to say
that this sentence means “You talk(ing) to me”.
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft ninji??/ninki??: originally ninki in Flint’s original transcription, but k
is crossed out and j written in above. The informant's pronunciation supports
the former option, ninji.
\fg
\ncfg
\fft What did you say?
\ncfft There was some confusion in eliciting this item, and Flint’s final
transcription does not correspond to this translation.
\os
\ncos
\na yanyb-i ngaki ninji
\ncna
\ng speak-IMP 1sg.DAT 2sg.subj
\ncng Word-final i may express the imperative mood (see note on the imperative
in “Garawa Grammar”).
\ncng Possible translation: “You talk to me!” (cf the meaning which the
informant provides: “You talk(ing) to me” (see "comments on the recording" field
above)).
\ft wurumba nInji naki waburan
\or wurumba nInji [naki] waburan
wurumba nInji
\ncr wurumba nInji naki waburan ("flint's transcription" field) and wurumba
nInji [naki] waburan(2) ("other recordings" field): standard orthography based
on the recordings: wurdumba ninji ngaki wabudan.
\ncr This sentence was one of the informant’s responses to the elicitation item
“Tell me”. There was some confusion in eliciting “tell me”, and, in fact, it was
never satisfactorily elicited.
\ncr wurumba nInji (see “other recordings”) The informant says on the recording
that this means “Catch him; you catch him over there”.
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg
\ncfg
\fft You go and get me water.
\ncfft
\os Belfrage 1997:73: wurdumba (transitive verb) (“1. get; 2. collect; 3.
receive”)
\ncos
\na wurdu-mba ninji ngaki wabudan-[ ]
\ncna
\ng get-UNM 2sg.subj 1sg.DAT water-NOM
\ncng Translation: “You go and get me water!”.
\ncng Osborne's (1966) material contains instances of sentences which lack
imperative morphology but have an imperative meaning (see note on the imperative
in "Garawa Grammar").
\ft wurumba naki yakin
NOTE: there is no recording which corresponds exactly to this transcription. See
"other recordings" field.
\or wurdumbiki ngaki yaki; wurdumbiki nanaman ngaki
\ncr The items in the "other recordings" field have been transcribed as heard on
the recording (standard orthography).
\ncr wurdumbiki ngaki yaki ("flint's transcription" field): This differs from
Flint’s transcription in that the imperative marker =ki (=kiyi) appears on the
verb (see note on the imperative in "Garawa Grammar").
\ncr wurdumbiki nanaman ngaki ("other recordings" field): This was the
informant’s first response to Flint’s elicitation.
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg
\ncfg On the recording, the informant says that ngaki means “swag … my swag”.
\fft Go over there and get swag.
\ncfft
\os Belfrage 1997:73: wurdumba (transitive verb) (“1. get; 2. collect; 3.
receive”)
\ncos
\na wurdu-mbi=ki ngaki yaki-[ ]
\ncna
\ng get-UNM:IMP=IMP 1sg.DAT/poss swag-NOM
\ncng See note on the imperative in "Garawa Grammar".
\ncng Translation: “Get me (my) swag!”/ “Get my swag!”. The pronoun may be the
1sg.DAT pronoun, or the 1sg.poss-NOM pronoun.
\ft "kawai
\or
\ncr
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg
\ncfg
\fft Come on!
\ncfft
\os kawa is translated as a locative in Osborne, and as a verb in Belfrage:
Osborne 1966:4
”kawa ”wijbiki
here come-IMP
Come here!
Belfrage 1997:29: kawa (intrans verb) (“come”)
\ncos We have adopted the verbal analysis
\na kawa-[ ]=yi
\ncna
\ng come-UNM=IMP
\ncng This imperative does not adhere exactly to the patterns described in other
sources (Belfrage 1992: 82-83 (obligative clitic); Furby & Furby 1977:80-84), or
to those found in Osborne's (1966) data. However, the vowel i is associated with
the imperative. See note on the imperative in “Garawa Grammar”.
\ncng Translation: "Come!"
\ft ’biri”ujba ngayu jalun
\or ’biri”ujba ngayu jalun(2); ”ujba; jalun; jalun(2); birrijba ngayu jalun
\ncr ’biri”ujba ngayu jalun ("flint's transcription" field) and ’biri”ujba ngayu
jalun(2) ("other recordings" field): the informant's pronunciation approaches
biwi ngujba ngayu jalun (standard orthography)
\ncr ”ujba (all utterances): The informant’s pronunciation corresponds more
closely to ngujba (standard orthography). See note on vowel glide allophones in
“Garawa Phonemes and Orthography”.
\ncr birrijba ngayu jalun ("other recordings" field): This is the only time that
the informant gives this shorter form. It is transcribed as heard on the
recording
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg
\ncfg Flint notes that jalun means “arm”
\fft My arm is sore/ I am hurt in the arm
\ncfft On the recording, the informant gives “I am hurt in the arm” as the
meaning for this sentence.
\os Belfrage 1997:7: biwi (adj) (“sore”)
\ncos
\os Belfrage 1997:18: jalu (noun) ("forearm") (also used of front leg of animal,
front fin of fish, wing of bird”)
\ncos
\os Belfrage 1997:58: ngujba (adv) (“again”)
\ncos
\na biwi-[ ] ngujba ngayu jalun-[ ]
\ncna
\ng sore-NOM again 1sg.subj arm-NOM
\ncng Translation: “My arm is sore again”
\ft ma”riiba ngayu
\or ma”riiba; ma”riiba ngayu(2)
\ncr ma”riiba (all utterances): standard orthography based on the recordings:
mardijba.
\ncr ma”riiba ngayu(2): the heavy stress on ngayu in the informant’s
pronunciation here is probably abnormal (cf . his first pronunciation of the
word). Flint has just repeated “ma”riiba” alone, so the informant may be seeking
to emphasise that ngayu is part of the utterance.
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg
\ncfg
\fft I am cold
\ncfft English gloss on the recording: “I feel cold; I am cold”.
\os Belfrage 1997:43-44: mardujba (intrans verb) (“be cold, feel cold be
emotionless, without heat or anger”)
\ncos
\na mardi-jba ngayu
\ncna
\ng feel cold-UNM 1sg.subj
\ncng Translation: "I feel cold"
\ft ”daengka ”ngana
\or ”daengka ”ngana(2)
\ncr ”daengka: The informant’s pronunciation approaches danyka (standard
orthography) (see "other sources" field)
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg
\ncfg
\fft I feel hot
\ncfft
\os Belfrage1997:13: danyka (intrans verb) (“burn with fire”)
\ncos
\na dangka-[ ] ngana
\ncna
\ng feel hot-UNM 1sg.obj
\ncng It is surprising that the 1sg pronoun is accusative rather than
nominative, as the verb is presumably intransitive.
\ncng Translation: ??"I feel hot"
\ft kingkari jilajba[i] bararan yang"jariba
NOTE: There is no recording which corresponds exactly to this transcription. See
"other recordings" field.
\or kingkari; jilajba[i] bararan; yangjariba; kingkari(2); jilajba[i]; bararan;
yangjariba(2); yangjariba(3); yangjariba(4); yangjariba(5)
\ncr kingkari and kingkari(2) ("other recordings" field): standard orthography
based on the recordings: kingkarri.
\ncr jilajba[i]: Although word-final i is unclear in Flint’s original
transcription, both the informant’s and Flint’s pronunciation on the recording
clearly contain it. The informant clearly pronounces the word with an
intervocalic glide (“jilajbayi”).
\ncr bararan (all utterances): the informant's pronunciation approaches
bardardan.
\ncr yang"jariba (all utterances): the various tokens of this word differ
slightly in pronunciation (e.g. in the word endings). However, the informant's
pronunciation generally approaches yanjarrijba (standard orthography). For
yangjariba and yangjariba(2) the informant’s pronunciation seems to be
yanjarrijbayi. These two utterances also seem to demonstrate the leniting of the
bilabial stop [b] to approach bilabial [v] (see “Flint’s phonological notes on
Garawa and Yanyula”).
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg kingkari jilajba[i] bararan yangjariba
up has gone baby to have
\ncfg
\fft (The woman) has gone up to have a baby.
\ncfft Flint’s original elicitation sentence on the recording: “The woman had a
child; the woman … gave birth to baby”.
\os Belfrage 1997:76: yanjarrijba (trans verb) (“give birth”)
\ncos
\os Belfrage 1997:30 kingkarri (adv) (“upwards”)
\ncos
\na kingkarri jila-jba=yi bardardan-[ ] yanjarri-jba=yi
\ncna
\ng up go-UNM=PAST baby-NOM give birth-UNM=PAST
\ncng yanjarri-jba=yi: there are four inflectional suffixes which we might have
expected to be used in this word rather than unmarked -jba: the purposive suffix
-ji (Belfrage 1992:61-62), the sequential suffix -jiwa (Belfrage 1992:56-7), the
infinitive suffix -kanyi (Belfrage 1992:58-9), or the suffix -nka (Furby & Furby
1977:85). All of these suffixes may be used in dependent purpose clauses (Furby
& Furby 1977:85). However, the informant here appears to have given a simple
past tense form. Belfrage (1992:56) notes that the sequential suffix is by no
means obligatory for a sequential interpretation (especially when the sequence
is clearly implied, or not significant). In the light of Belfrage’s comment, I
assume a sequential interpretation here.
\ncng Translation: (The woman) went up and had a baby.
\ft bulumiri(n) ngamaki bararan
\or bulumiri(n) ngamangi bararan(2); bulumiri(n) ngamangi; bulumiri(n)
ngamangi(2); bulumiri(n); bulumiri(n)(2); ngamangi; ngamangi(2); bararan(2);
bararan(3); bararan(4)
\ncr bulumiri(n) ngamangi bararan(2) is spoken by Informant 2.
\ncr ngamaki ("flint's transcription" field): On the recording, the informant
and Flint both pronounce this (and other instances of the word) as “ngamangi” or
"namangi" (the informant's pronunciation varies between ngamangi and namangi). I
have transcribed the instances of the word as ngamangi.
\ncr bulumiri(n) ngamaki bararan ("flint's transcription" field) and bulumiri(n)
ngamaki bararan(2) ("other recordings" field): standard orthography based on the
recordings: bulumirri namang(i) bardarda(n) (brackets indicate slight
differences in pronunciation).
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft bulumiri(n): word-final n is bracketed on the recording. See Note 1 in
“Flint’s Phonological Notes on Garawa and Yanyula”.
\fg bulumiri(n) ngamaki bararan
new & little baby belong to us baby
\ncfg
\fft Woman has a new baby
\ncfft The gloss (worked out on the recording) does not agree with the
elicitation sentence (given in \fft). See "comments on other sources" field.
\os Osborne 1966:13: ”namangi is the 1pl.incl possessive pronoun in the sentence
"namangi "bajangun "namanburri "wijba (“Our dog is coming back to us”).
\ncos In Furby 1972:2,13, the 1pl.incl possessive pronoun is ngambalangi rather
than namangi
\na bulumirrin-[ ] namangi bardardan-[ ]
\ncna
\ng new baby-NOM 1pl.incl:POSS baby-NOM
\ncng
\ncng Possible translation: “The new baby is ours”
\ft ”bindabi bararan
NOTE: there is no recording which corresponds exactly to this transcription. See
"other recordings" field.
\or ”bindabi [nanda] bararan; ”bindabi; ”bindabi(2); bararan(5)
\ncr ”bindabi [nanda] bararan ("other recordings" field): the informant's
pronunciation approaches birndabi nanda bardardan.
\ncr bararan (all utterances): informant's pronunciation approaches bardarda(n).
Word-final n is not always present (see Note 1 in "Flint's Phonological Notes on
Garawa and Yanyula").
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg
\ncfg
\fft She washed the baby.
\ncfft English gloss on the recording includes “to wash the baby”
\os Belfrage 1997:6-7: birndaba (trans verb) (“1. pour 2. wet”)
\ncos
\na birnda-bi (nanda) bardardan-[ ]
\ncna
\ng wash-UNM:IMP?? (that.spec.sg.NOM) baby-NOM
\ncng nanda is not present in Flint’s transcription.
\ncng Word-final i may express the imperative mood (see note on the imperative
in “Garawa Grammar”). For a number of verbs, the informant gives this
[apparently] imperative construction in response to an indicative elicitation
verb. Although the recording sometimes suggests an imperative interpretation
(e.g. the wording of Flint's elicitation, or the informant's tone), the
significance of this "-i" construction is not entirely clear. It may simply be a
citation form ("to verb").
\ncng Possible translation: ??"Wash the baby!”
\ft nabaya(n) jilajbaya
\or nabayanan jilajbaya nabayan; nabayanan jilajbaya(2); nabaya(n);
nabaya(n)(2); jilajbaya; jilajbaya(2)
\ncr nabayanan jilajbaya nabayan ("other recordings" field): This is the
informant’s first response to the elicitation sentence.
\ncr nabaya(n)/ nabayanan (all utterances): In some utterances, the informant’s
pronunciation seems to correspond more closely to ngabaya(n)/ngabayanan, with a
velar, rather than an alveolar, nasal word-initially. The various tokens of
these words also seem to vary with regard to the presence of word-final n.
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft nabaya(n): Flint’s original transcription: the n is bracketed and there is
an attached note: “is unclear”. See Note 1 in “Flint’s Phonological Notes on
Garawa and Yanyula”.
\fg
\ncfg On the recording, Flint notes that nabaya(n) means “white man”.
\fft White man is coming.
\ncfft
\os Belfrage 1997:21: jilajba (intrans verb) (“1. go 2. come”)
\ncos
\os Belfrage 1997:52: ngabaya (noun) (“1. devil 2. evil spirit 3. white man”)
\ncos
\os Osborne 1966:13:
”bajangun ”ngakindurri ”jilajbaya
dog me-to come-ind-3sg
The dog is coming to me.
\ncos
\na ngabaya(n)-[ ] (nan) jila-jba=ya
\ncna
\ng white man-NOM ?? come-UNM=YA
\ncng (nan) is not included in Flint's transcription.
\ncng see note on =YA in “Garawa Grammar”
\ncng Translation: "A white man is coming".
\ft kawa
\or
\ncr
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg
\ncfg
\fft Come here.
\ncfft
\os kawa is translated as a locative in Osborne, and as a verb in Belfrage:
Osborne 1966:4
”kawa ”wijbiki
here come-IMP
Come here!
Belfrage 1997:29: kawa (intrans verb) (“come”)
\ncos We have adopted the verbal analysis
\na kawa-[ ]
\ncna
\ng come-UNM
\ncng There are instances of unmarked verbs being used with an imperative sense
in Osborne’s (1966) data. See note on the imperative in “Garawa Grammar”.
\ncng Translation: “Come (here)!”
\ft waku jilajbi
\or
\ncr Standard orthography based on the recording: waku jilajbi.
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg
\ncfg
\fft Come quickly.
\ncfft
\os Belfrage 1997:21: jilajba (intrans verb) (“1. go 2. come”)
\ncos
\os Belfrage 1997:63: wakudi (adv) (“quickly”)
\ncos
\os Osborne 1966:9:
”jilajba ”ngayu ”waja
walk-ind I quick
I walk quick.
\na waku jila-jbi
\ncna
\ng quickly come-UNM:IMP
\ncng Word-final i may express the imperative mood (see note on the imperative
in “Garawa Grammar”). For a number of verbs, the informant gives this
[apparently] imperative construction in response to an indicative elicitation
verb. Although the recording sometimes suggests an imperative interpretation
(e.g. the wording of Flint's elicitation, or the informant's tone), the
significance of this "-i" construction is not entirely clear. It may simply be a
citation form ("to verb").
\ncng Translation: "Come quickly!"
\ft kirba kInkarina bararan namangi
NOTE: there is no recording which corresponds exactly to this transcription. See
"other recordings" field.
\or yirrbayi kinkarinan bardardan namangi yirbayi bulumirrin;
bararan namangi kirba kInkarina;
kirba; kirba(2); kInkarina(2); kInkarina(3); bararan(6); namangi
\ncr yirrbayi kingkarinan bardardan namangi yirrbayi bulumirrin ("other
recordings" field): This is the informant’s first response to the English
elicitation sentence. It has been transcribed (phonemically) as heard on the
recording (rather than following Flint’s transcription of the various words, as
has been done for the other items in the "other recordings" field). The
informant does not repeat bulumirrin (“new baby”) in later utterances of the
sentence, and Flint does not transcribe it.
\ncr bararan namangi kirba kInkarina ("other recordings" field): This utterance
comprises all the words of Flint’s transcription (seen in the "flint's
transcription" field), but in different order. The fact that the informant
accepts the word order of Flint’s transcription as correct reflects the freedom
of word order in Garawa.
\ncr kirba (all utterances): The informant’s pronunciation sounds like yirrbayi
(with the exception of kirba(2), which is closer to yirrba).
\ncr kInkarina (all utterances): standard orthography based on the recordings:
kingkarrina.
\ncr bararan (all utterances): The informant's pronunciation approaches
bardardan.
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg kirba kInkarina bararan namangi
fall from top of child one of us [fellows]
\ncfg
\fft The child falls from the top of the tree.
\ncfft
\os Osborne 1966:3:
”yirrba ”kinkarrina ”wawarran ”waIka
fall-? up-loc child down
The child fell down from up there.
\ncos
\os Belfrage 1997:78: yirrba (intrans vb)(“1. fall, 2. overflow") (like wirrba)
\ncos
\os Belfrage 1997:30 kingkarri (adv) (“upwards”)
\ncos
\os Osborne 1966:13: ”namangi is the 1pl.incl possessive pronoun in the sentence
"namangi "bajangun "namanburri "wijba (“Our dog is coming back to us”).
\ncos In Furby 1972:2,13, the 1pl.incl possessive pronoun is ngambalangi rather
than namangi
\na yirr-ba=yi kingkarri-na bararan -[ ] namangi
\ncna
\ng fall-UNM=PAST up-LOC child-NOM 1pl.incl:POSS
\ncng Possible translation: “One of our children fell from the top of (a tree)”.
\ft wurumbi ngaki waburan
\or nganinji; wurumbi ngaki
\ncr nganinji ("other recordings" field): The informant gives this at the
beginning of his response, but Flint does not transcribe it. nganinyji is a
compound pronoun, analysed as follows: nga=ninyji (1sg obj-2sg subj) (Furby
1972:4, Table 2) (the symbol “=” separates the component morphemes).
\ncr wurumbi ngaki waburan ("flint's transcription" field) (and also wurumbi
ngaki in "other recordings" field): standard orthography based on the
recordings: wurdumbi ngaki wabudan.
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg wurumbi ngaki waburan
catch,get me water
\ncfg
\fft Get me some water
\ncfft English elicitation on the recording: “I say to that boy there ‘get me
some water; bring me some water’”.
\os Osborne 1966:5:
”ninji ”wadukarra ”wabuda wudumbi
you girl water get-imp
You girl, get the water!
\ncos
\na wurdu-mbi ngaki wabudan-[ ]
\ncna
\ng get-UNM:IMP 1sg.DAT water-NOM
\ncng Word-final i may express the imperative mood (see note on the imperative
in “Garawa Grammar").
\ncng Translation: "Get me water!"
\ft yanaman ngaki jibari wulumbaja ngaki wabuda
NOTE: there is no full recording associated with this transcription. See "other
recordings" field.
\or yanaman ngaki; jibari; jibari(2); jibari(3); wulumbaja; ngaki(2); ngaki(3);
wabuda; wabuda(2); wabuda(3)
\ncr This sentence is never given in its entirity on the recording. The various
tokens of each word of the sentence are given in the "other recordings" field.
Flint and the informant go through the sentence twice on the recording, and word
order varies slightly between these two utterances:
1. yanaman ngaki jibari wulumbaja wabuda ngaki
2. yanaman ngaki jibari wulumbaja ngaki wabuda
\ncr yanaman ngaki ("other recordings" field): The beginning of this utterance
is unclear on the recording, and the first word is probably the demonstrative
pronoun nanaman (“that”)
\ncr jibari (all utterances, "other recordings" field): standard orthography
based on the recordings: jibarri(n) (the brackets indicate variable
pronunciation).
\ncr wulumbaja ("other recordings" field): standard orthography based on the
recording: wurdumbaja (see "other sources" field).
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg
\ncfg
\fft My wife will bring us water.
\ncfft
\os Belfrage 1992:21: jibarri (noun) (“woman (like mungkuwayi)”)
\ncos
\os Belfrage 1997:73: wurdumba (transitive verb) (“1. get; 2. collect; 3.
receive”)
\ncos
\na nanaman ngaki-[ ] jibarri-[ ] wurdu-mba=ja ngaki (cont.)
\ncna
\ng that 1sg.POSS-?? wife-?? bring-UNM=FUT 1sg.DAT (cont.)
\ncng
\na wabuda-[ ]
\ncna
\ng water-NOM
\ncng
\ncng Possible translation: ??“That wife of mine will bring me water”
\ft daiyingki ngayu jangun
\or
\ncr daiyingki ("flint's transcription" field): standard orthography based on
the recording: danyki.
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg
\ncfg
\fft I will chop wood.
\ncfft
\os Osborne 1966:9:
”dayiwa ”ngayu ”jangun ”lamayudinyi
chop I wood axe-with
I chopped the wood with an axe.
\ncos
\os Belfrage 1997:14: daya (trans verb) (“cut wood”)
\ncos
\na daya-nyki ngayu jangun-[ ]
\ncna
\ng chop wood-?? 1sg.subj wood-NOM
\ncng The function of the suffix/clitic -nyki is not clear. The marker which is
closest in form to -nyki is the purposive inflectional suffix -nki (for the RRI
and N conjugations) (Belfrage 1992:46, table 10). However, this suffix is
associated with subordinate clauses rather simple sentences (see Belfrage
1992:61-62; Furby & Furby 1977:85).
\ft daba bulangka nanan kujara
\or
\ncr Standard orthography based on the recording: daba bulanka nanan kujarra
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg daba bulangka nanan kujara
fight they two
\ncfg see "gloss" field below for a different analysis
\fft They two are fighting.
\ncfft
\os Osborne 1966:10: daba (“hit”) (see various example sentences)
\ncos The transitive verb daba (“hit”) may be used in a reflexive construction,
gaining a reciprocal meaning (Furby and Furby 1977:62). There are a number of
transitive verbs which have this feature (Furby & Furby 1977:52).
\os Furby 1972:15-16: nana-nkujarra is the dual nominative form of the
demonstrative pronoun “that.specific”.
\na daba-[ ] bula-ngka nana-nkujarra-[ ]
\ncna
\ng fight-UNM 3du-REFL that.spec-du-NOM
\ncng Furby & Furby (1977:61-62) give a helpful description of declarative
reflexive clauses.
\ncng Translation: "They two are fighting (each other)."
(c) 1999-2002 University of Queensland