\ft yaridijbi kinkarina
\or yaridijbi kinkarina(2)
\ncr Standard orthography based on the recordings: yarrindijbi kingkarrina or yarringdijbi kingkarrina
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg get down from
\ncfg English elicitation on the recording: “I get down from, get down from the car, get down from”.
\fft
\ncfft
\os Osborne 1966:9:

”barriwa ”ngayu ”yarrindijba ”kamu ”waIka
already I go down-IND ? down
I’m going down directly.

\ncos
\os Osborne 1966:3:

”yirrba ”kinkarrina ”wawarran ”waIka
fall-? up-loc child down
The child fell down from up there.

\ncos
\na yarrindi-jbi kingkarri-na.
\ncna
\ng get down-UNM:IMP up-LOC
\ncng Word-final i may express the imperative mood (see note on the imperative in “Garawa Grammar”). For a number of verbs, the informant gives this [apparently] imperative construction in response to an indicative elicitation verb. Although the recording sometimes suggests an imperative interpretation (e.g. the wording of Flint's elicitation, or the informant's tone), the significance of this "-i" construction is not entirely clear. It may simply be a citation form ("to verb").

\ft walajbiki
\or walajbi; walajbiki(2);
\ncr walajbiki(2): the informant strongly emphasises the final syllable of this word to ensure that Flint includes it in the transcription (on the recording, Flint has just said “walajbi” in response to the informant’s utterance of “walajbi”(see "other recordings" field)).
\ncr walajbiki and walajbiki(2) (\ft and "other recordings" field): the informant’s pronunciation approaches walajbikiyi (standard orthography).
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg come out of (“man came out of cave”)
\ncfg English elicitation on the recording: “The man came out of the cave; come out of; come out of the house”.
\fft
\ncfft
\os
\ncos
\na wala-jbi=kiyi
\ncna
\ng come out of-UNM:IMP=IMP
\ncng See note on the imperative in "Garawa Grammar".
\ncng Translation: “Come out of the house!”

\ft wijbiki
\or
\ncr
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg go
\ncfg English elicitation on the recording: “go back; I go back to the village”.
\fft
\ncfft
\os
\ncos
\na wi-jbi=ki
\ncna
\ng go back-UNM:IMP=IMP
\ncng I assume that =ki corresponds to the imperative clitic =kiyi (Furby & Furby 1977:80; Belfrage 1992:71). In Osborne’s (1966) data, the imperative marker, where it is used, is -ki. See note on the imperative in "Garawa Phonemes and Orthography".
\ncng Translation: “Go back!”

\ft walu ajilajba
(NOTE: There is no recording associated with this transcription. See "other recordings" field).
\or walu ngai jilajba nani; jilajba ngayu walu [….]
\ncr This elicitation item is difficult to decipher on the recording, as it becomes mixed together with “turn left”.
\ncr walu ngai jilajba nani ("other recordings" field): This is the informant’s first response to the elicitation verb “turn”, and is transcribed here as heard on the recording (phonemic representation). The informant does not repeat nani in later utterances, and Flint does not transcribe it.
\ncr jilajba ngayu walu [….] ("other recordings" field): The recording includes the informant’s gloss (“this way”) at the end.
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg turn right
\ncfg The English elicitation item was not originally specified for direction. The original elicitation on the recording is “I am going along this way and I turn that way; turn; change direction”. The distinction between “turn right” and “turn left” emerges when the informant (apparently) gestures to show the distinction.
\fft
\ncfft
\os Belfrage 1997:52: nani (adv) (“like this; like that”)
\ncos
\os Belfrage 1997:65: walu (adv) (“in front”)
\ncos
\na walu ngayu jila-jba
\ncna We assume that word-initial a- in ajilajba corresponds to the 1sg subject pronoun ngayu (Furby 1972:2, Table 1)).
\ng this way?? 1sg.subj go-UNM
\ncng Translation: “I go this way”

\ft nawanamba kulaya jilajba
\or [….] kulaya; [….] kulaya(2); kulaya
\ncr nawa namba kulaya jilajba ("flint's transcription" field): This recording contains interjections by Flint as he repeats words after the informant. These have been retained in order to avoid breaking up the sentence.
\ncr namba: Informant’s pronunciation approaches ngamba.
\ncr jilajba: See notes on vowel glide allophones in “Garawa Phonemes and Orthography”.
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg turn left
\ncfg The English elicitation item “to turn” was not originally specified for direction. The original elicitation sentences on the recording are “I am going along this way and I turn that way; turn; change direction”. The distinction between “turn right” and “turn left” emerges when the informant (apparently) gestures to show the distinction.
\fft
\ncfft
\os Belfrage 1997:52: nawa (adv) (“this way, in this direction”) (like nayiwa)
\ncos
\os Belfrage 1997:33: kula (adv) (“southwards”)
\ncos
\os Furby & Furby 1977:32-33, example 3:

kula-[ ] nurri-[ ] baja nayi-wa …..(etc)
south-ALL we:pl:excl:PAST-nom dance this-way…..(etc)
We danced south this way……………

\ncos
\na nawa ngamba kula-[ ]=ya jila-jba
\ncna
\ng this way ?? south-ALL=YA?? go-UNM
\ncng ??See note on the =YA in “Garawa Grammar”
\ncng Translation: “to go southwards this way”

\ft wangki bi ngaki
\or wangkijbiki ngaki
\ncr wangkijbiki ngaki ("other recordings" field): This is the informant’s first response to the elicitation verb “to dance”, and has been transcribed as heard on the recording.
\ncr wangki bi ("flint's transcription" field): Standard orthography based on the recordings: wangkijbi. See note on vowel glide allophones in “Garawa Phonemes and Orthography”.
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg dance
\ncfg On the recording: “to dance … at a corroboree; I dance”.
\fft
\ncfft
\os Belfrage 1997:66: wangkijba (intrans verb) (“men dance”)
\ncos
\na wangki-jbi ngaki
\ncna
\ng dance-UNM:IMP 1sg.DAT
\ncng It is possible that wangkijbi is an abbreviated form of the imperative wangkijbiki (the informant gives both in the course of the elicitation). See note on the imperative in “Garawa Grammar”.
\ncng Translation: “Dance for me!”

\ft bubungiba
\or bujbukibang kingkarri
\ncr bujbukibang kingkarri ("other recordings" field): This is the informant’s first response to the elicitation verb “I jump”, and is transcribed here as heard on the recording. kingkarri is an adverb meaning “upwards” (see "other sources" field). The informant does not repeat this word in his later utterance, and Flint does not transcribe it.
\ncr bubungiba ("flint's transcription" field): standard orthography based on the recordings: bujbungiba.
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg jump
\ncfg On the recording: “I jump; jump”
\fft
\ncfft
\os Belfrage 1997:30: kingkarri (adv) (“upwards”)
\ncos
\na bujbungi-ba
\ncna
\ng jump-UNM
\ncng Translation: “to jump”

\ft bararan jura
NOTE: there is no recording associated with this transcription. See "other recordings" field.
\or juraya [nana] bararan juraya; jura; jura(2); jura(3).
\ncr juraya [nana] bararan juraya ("other recordings" field): This is the informant’s first response to the elicitation sentence “the children are playing”.
\ncr jura standard orthography based on the recordings: jurra.
\ncr bararan: standard orthography based on the recording: barrarran.
\sd sentences
\ncft
\fg
\ncfg
\fft Children are playing
\ncfft On the recording: “The children are playing; are playing”.
\os
\ncos
\na bardardan-[ ] jura-[ ]
\ncna
\ng child-NOM play-UNM
\ncng Translation: “The children are playing”.

\ft kujbangaka bajbunyi ngaki
NOTE: There is no recording which corresponds exactly to this sentence. See "other recordings" field.
\or kujba ngayu bajbunyi ngaki; kujbanga[ka] kujba; kujbangaka; bajbunyi; bajbunyi(2); kujbangaka bajbunyi
\ncr The quality of these recordings is poor, as there is a tractor or some other machine working in the background.
\ncr kujbangaka and bajbunyi (all utterances): regarding the informant’s pronunciation: see note on vowel glide allophones in “Garawa Phonemes and Orthography”.
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg kujbangaka bajbunyi ngaki
look for pipe my
\ncfg
\fft look for
\ncfft The original elicitation verb was “to look for; I look for”. The informant expanded on this, giving the Garawa for “I’m looking for my pipe”.
\os Belfrage 1992:35: kujba (“search for, hunt”) categorised as a semi-transitive verb with a [NOM, DAT] case frame.
\ncos
\na ku-jba ngaka bajbu-nyi ngaki-[ ]
\ncna
\ng look for-UNM 1sg.REFL pipe-DAT 1sg.poss-NOM
\ncng There appears to be some confusion in the case-marking in this sentence. In particular, there is lack of case concord between the noun “pipe” and its modifier in the noun phrase.
\ncng Translation: “I’m looking for my pipe”

\ft kuluku ngaya
\or kuluku ngaya [….]; kuluku ngaya(2); kuluku
\ncr kuluku ngaya [….] ("other recordings" field): This is the informant’s first response to the elicitation.
\ncr kuluku ngaya ("flint's transcription" field): The informant’s pronunciation corresponds more closely to kuluku[ku] ngayu.
\ncr kuluku (all utterances): The informant’s pronunciation varies between kuluku and kuluka. Flint pronounces this word as kuluka when he repeats it.
\ncr ngaya (all utterances): the informant’s pronunciation seems to be ngayu.
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg sleep
\ncfg On the recording, the informant says that this means “you are tired, you want to have a lay down”. Later in the elicitation, he says that the verb to sleep is kuluka.
\fft
\ncfft
\os Osborne 1966:15:

”barriwa ”ngayu ”kuluka
already I sleep
I’m sleeping.

\ncos
\na kuluku-[ ] ngayu
\ncna
\ng sleep-UNM 1sg.subj
\ncng Translation: “I sleep”

\ft wuruj banaya
\or
\ncr Standard orthography based on the recording: wurujbangaya (see note on vowel glide allophones in “Garawa Phonemes and Orthography”).
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg
\ncfg
\fft be knocked up ("I am knocked up")
\ncfft The informant provides this gloss on the recording.
\os
\ncos
\na wuru-jba ngay=a
\ncna
\ng be exhausted-UNM 1sg.subj=PRES
\ncng ngay=a: a rule of vowel deletion appears to have occurred here (see Belfrage 1992:5): ngayu=a --> ngay=a
\ncng Translation: “I am knocked up”.

\ft wurumbingaki walikin
\or wurumbi [….] [….] walikin; walikin
\ncr wurumbi (all utterances): standard orthography based on the recordings: wurdumbi.
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg wurumbingaki walikin
take out beef
\ncfg On the recording: “I take meat out of the bag; take out of … take the meat out”
\fft
\ncfft
\os Belfrage 1997:73: wurdumba (trans verb) (“1.get; 2. collect; 3. receive”)
\ncos
\os Belfrage 1997:64: waliji (noun) ("1. kangaroo; 2. meat")
Belfrage 1997:64: waliki (noun) ("dugong") (see walya too)
\ncos
\na wurdu-mbi ngaki walikin-[ ]
\ncna wurumbi [….] [….] walikin ("other recordings" field): Compared with the sentence in the "flint's transcription" field, this utterance contains an extra (unintelligible) word. The case frame or mood may differ between these two sentences. Our analysis is based on the sentence which Flint transcribed.
\ng get-UNM:IMP 1sg.DAT beef-NOM
\ncng Word-final i may express the imperative mood (see note on the imperative in “Garawa Grammar”). For a number of verbs, the informant gives this [apparently] imperative construction in response to an indicative elicitation verb. Although the recording sometimes suggests an imperative interpretation (e.g. the wording of Flint's elicitation, or the informant's tone), the significance of this "-i" construction is not entirely clear. It may simply be a citation form ("to verb").
\ncng Translation: “Get me the meat!”

\ft wajbi baliki jalba waliki[n] wurumbi wajba nanij[i]
(NOTE: There is no recording associated with this transcription. See "other recordings" and "comments on flint's transcription" fields).
\or NOTE: The “other recordings” below are given on three lines. They correspond to the informant's pronunciation. Line 1 represents the informant’s first two responses to the elicitation verb. It does not appear in Flint’s original transcription. Lines 2 and 3 represent (in our opinion) two separate blocks of recorded items on which Flint has based his transcription (I assume that Flint’s original transcription actually comprises two sentences).
1. wajbaja ninga; wajbaja ninga walikinyi;
2. wajbi; balikinyi; jarrbaja ninji; jarrbaja ninji(2); jalba; jarrba(2); jalba(3); walikin(2);
3. walikin [bandan] wurdumbi; walikin wurdumbi; wajbi nganinji
\ncr I think that the informant gave three sentences (represented by the three lines above in the "other recordings" field), but Flint recorded only two in his transcription (see "comments on flint's transcription" field). I tentatively give the following three sentences as those intended by the informant.

1. wajbaja ninga (walikinyi)
[corresponding to the recordings wajbaja ninga and wajbaja ninga walikinyi]

This is analysed as follows:
wa-jba=ja ninga (waliki-nyi)
give-UNM=FUT 2sg.OBJ beef-DAT
(He) is going to give you the beef/ He wants to give you the beef.
(See Belfrage 1992:80-81 for the functions of the future clitic).

2. jarrbaja ninji walikin
[corresponding to the recordings jarrbaja ninji; jarrbaja ninji(2); jalba; jarrba(2); jalba(3); walikin(2)]

This is analysed as follows:
jarr-ba=ja ninji waliki
eat-UNM= FUT 2sg.subj beef
You are going to eat the beef/You want to eat the beef.
(See Belfrage 1992:80-81 for the functions of the future clitic).

NOTES:
(a) walikin: the informant’s pronunciation sounds like balikin.

3. walikin [bandan] wurdumbi wajbi nganinji
[corresponding to the recordings walikin [bandan] wurdumbi; walikin wurdumbi; wajbi nganinji]

This is analysed as follows:
walikin-[ ] [bandan] wurdu-mbi wa-jbi nga-ninji
beef-NOM ?? get-UNM:IMP give-UNM:IMP 1sg.obj-2sg.subj
(??)You give me the meat!

NOTES:
a) The informant says on the recording that this expresses the fact that “I tell the fella to give me that beef. I want that beef”.

\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft There is quite a lot of repetition of words and phrases on the recording, and it is difficult to determine how many sentences are actually given, and which sentences the various words belong to. I think that the informant gave three sentences, but that Flint recorded only two in his transcription. I tentatively give the following two sentences as those understood by Flint, and analyse both of them in the "analysis" field below.

1. wajbi baliki jalba waliki[n]

2. (walikin) wurumbi wajba nanij[i]

\fg give
\ncfg English elicitation verb on the recording: “I give you something; I give; to give”
\fft
\ncfft
\os Belfrage 1997:20: jarrba (trans verb)(“eat”)
\ncos
\os Belfrage 1997:63: wajba (trans verb)(“give”)
\ncos
\os Belfrage 1997:73: wurdumba (trans verb) (1. get; 2. collect; 3. receive)
\ncos
\os Osborne 1966:15:

”waIjba ”ninga ”mamanyi
give-ind you food-PARTIT
I gave you some food.

\ncos
\na wa-jbi baliki jarr-ba walikin-[ ]
\ncna This is the first of the two sentences which we assume make up Flint’s transcription.
\ng give-UNM:IMP beef-NOM eat-UNM beef-NOM
\ncng Word-final i may express the imperative mood (see note on the imperative in “Garawa Grammar”). For a number of verbs, the informant gives this [apparently] imperative construction in response to an indicative elicitation verb. Although the recording sometimes suggests an imperative interpretation (e.g. the wording of Flint's elicitation, or the informant's tone), the significance of this "-i" construction is not entirely clear. It may simply be a citation form ("to verb").
\ncng Translation: ?? “Give me the meat to eat!”
\na (walikin-[ ]) wurdu-mbi wa-jba nga-ninji
\ncna This is the second of the two sentences which we assume make up Flint’s transcription.
\ng beef-NOM get-UNM:IMP give-UNM:IMP 1sg.obj-2sg.subj
\ncng nga=ninyji is the 1sg.obj-2sg.subj compound pronoun in Garawa (Furby 1972:4, Table 2)
\ncng Translation: ?? “Get the beef and give it to me!”

\ft yaridbi waika
\or yaridbi waika(2)
\ncr Informant’s pronunciation approaches yardijbi (standard orthography) (see note on vowel glide allophones in “Garawa Phonemes and Orthography”).
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg put down
\ncfg Elicitation on the recording: “to put down; I put down”
\fft
\ncfft
\os Belfrage 1997:77: yarrijba (trans verb) (“1. put; 2. write; 3. pretend; 4.hold ceremony”)
\ncos
\na yarri-jbi waika
\ncna
\ng put-UNM:IMP down
\ncng Word-final i may express the imperative mood (see note on the imperative in “Garawa Grammar”). For a number of verbs, the informant gives this [apparently] imperative construction in response to an indicative elicitation verb. Although the recording sometimes suggests an imperative interpretation (e.g. the wording of Flint's elicitation, or the informant's tone), the significance of this "-i" construction is not entirely clear. It may simply be a citation form ("to verb").
\ncng Translation: “Put (that) down!”

\ft yaridbangayu kalawinyi
\or yaridbangayu kalawinyi(2); kalawinyi; kalawinyi(2); kalawinyi(3)
\ncr yaridbangayu ("flint's transcription" and "other recordings" fields): standard orthography based on the recordings: yarrijbangayu (see note on vowel glide allophones in “Garawa Phonemes and Orthography”). Word-initial y is very unclear in the first utterance ("flint's transcription" field).
\ncr kalawinyi ("flint's transcription" and "other recordings" fields): the informant’s pronunciation is closer to kalawunyi in some instances.
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg put in
\ncfg English elicitation on the recording: “I put in. I say ‘I put the pencil in the bag”; put in”.
\ncfg The informant says that kalawinyi means “inside”.
\fft
\ncfft
\os Belfrage 1997:77: yarrijba (trans verb) (“1. put; 2. write; 3. pretend; 4.hold ceremony”)
\ncos
\na yarri-jba ngayu kalawunyi
\ncna
\ng put-UNM 1sg.subj inside
\ncng Translation: “I put inside”

\ft jan bangayu da”lun
\or jan bangayu; dalun; dalun(2)
\ncr jan bangayu ("other recordings" field): Standard orthography based on the recording: janybangayu
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg jan bangayu da”lun
throw rock
\ncfg English elicitation: “I throw a stone; throw; to throw”.
\ncfg The informant says that this sentence means “I’m chucking that rock”.
\fft throw
\ncfft
\os
\ncos
\na jany-ba ngayu dalun-[ ]
\ncna
\ng throw-UNM 1sg.subj rock-NOM
\ncng Translation: “I’m throwing the rock”

\ft yalijbi
\or yalijbi(2)
\ncr yalijbi ("flint's transcription" and "other recordings" fields): regarding the informant's pronunciation: see note on vowel glide allophones in “Garawa Phonology and Orthography”.
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg pull
\ncfg English elicitation verb: “to pull”
\fft
\ncfft
\os
\ncos
\na yali-jbi
\ncna
\ng pull-IMP:UNM
\ncng Word-final i may express the imperative mood (see note on the imperative in “Garawa Grammar”). For a number of verbs, the informant gives this [apparently] imperative construction in response to an indicative elicitation verb. Although the recording sometimes suggests an imperative interpretation (e.g. the wording of Flint's elicitation, or the informant's tone), the significance of this "-i" construction is not entirely clear. It may simply be a citation form ("to verb").
\ncng Translation: “Pull!”

\ft bararan ngaki ”[ng]abana
\or
\ncr Informant’s pronunciation approaches bardardan ngaki ngabana (standard orthography).
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft ”[ng]abana: In Flint’s original transcription, it is not clear as to whether the first symbol is n or ng.
\fg
\ncfg
\fft carry a child on the shoulder (“She carries child on shoulder”)
\ncfft
\os Belfrage 1997:3: bardarda (noun) (“baby”)
Osborne 1966:3: badadan (in the sentence "nyindu "nanaman "badadan ("The baby's crying"))
Osborne 1966:5: badardan (in the sentence "bajanguwanyi bidbayi badardan ("The dog bit the baby"))
\ncos
\os Belfrage 1997:52 ngaba (noun) (“1. upper arm; 2. shoulder”)
\na bardardan-[ ] ngaki-[ ] ngaba-na
\ncna
\ng baby-NOM 1sg.poss-NOM shoulder-LOC
\ncng Translation: ?? (I carry) my child on (my) shoulder.

\ft ma[r]ibngayu nanama
\or
\ncr The informant’s pronunciation corresponds more closely to marrimba ngayu nanaman (see "other sources" field).
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft ma[r]ibngayu: Flint appears to have accidently omitted an a in this word (between b and n). He clearly pronounces the a in his repetition on the recording.
\fg hold in the hand
\ncfg
\fft
\ncfft
\os Furby 1972:16: nanama (demonstrative pronoun “that nonspecific”)
\ncos
\na marri-mba ngayu nanaman
\ncna
\ng hold-UNM 1sg.subj that.nonspec.NOM
\ncng Translation: “I hold that (thing)”

\ft ki”kijba kundanan
\or
\ncr ki”kijba: informant’s pronunciation approaches kijijba (standard orthography) (see note on vowel glide allophones in “Garawa Phonology and Orthography”).
\ncr kundanan: regarding word-final n, see Note 1 in “Flint’s Phonological Notes on Garawa and Yanyula”.
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg ki”kijba kundanan
tie tree

\ncfg
\fft tie a person up
\ncfft
\os Belfrage 1997:30: kijijba (trans vb) (“tie”)
\ncos
\os Belfrage 1997:36: kurnda (noun) (“1. tree; 2. stick”)
\ncos
\na kiji-jba kunda-na
\ncna
\ng tie-UNM tree-LOC
\ncng Translation: “to tie to a tree”

\ft kijibangayu kunana "wanjir
(NOTE: There is no recording associated with this transcription. See "other recordings" field).
\or kunana ngayu kijiba wanjir; kunana kijibangayu wanjir
\ncr The process of eliciting this item was not recorded (only the later checking with the informant). The word order in Flint’s original transcription comes from the unrecorded elicitation of this item.
\ncr kunana ngayu kijiba wanjir: informant’s pronunciation approaches kundanangayu kijiba wanjirr
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg kijibangayu kunana "wanjir
NO GLOSS NO GLOSS leaf
\ncfg
\fft tie leaves
\ncfft English elicitation on the recording: “to tie leaves; to tie leaves to a stick”.
\os Belfrage 1997:30: kijijba (trans vb) (“tie”)
\ncos
\os Belfrage 1997:36: kurnda (noun) (“1. tree; 2. stick”)
\ncos
\na kiji-jba ngayu kunda-na wanjirr
\ncna
\ng tie-UNM 1sg.subj stick-LOC leaves-NOM
\ncng Translation: “I tie leaves to a stick”

\ft kiji bangayu ku[r]u[l] malumba
\or malum ku[r]u[l] malumba
\ncr malum ku[r]u[l] malumba ("other recordings" field): On the recording, malum appears not to be a word in its own right, but rather a broken-off utterance of malumba.
\ncr ku[r]u[l] ("other recordings" field): informant’s pronunciation seems to be kulun.
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft ku[r]u: In Flint’s original transcription, r appears to have replaced l.
\fg kiji bangayu ku[r]u[l] malumba
tie they together
\ncfg
\fft tie together
\ncfft English elicitation on the recording: “to tie together”.
\os Belfrage 1997:30: kijijba (trans vb) (“tie”)
\ncos
\os Belfrage 1997:42: malumba (trans verb) (“bring together, mix together, come together")
\ncos
\na kiji-jba ngayu [kulun] malu-mba
\ncna
\ng tie-UNM 1sg.subj ?? bring together-UNM
\ncng Translation: “I tie [….] together”

\ft janbayanangka nabaya[.]
\or
\ncr Standard orthography based on the recording: janybayanangka ngabayan.
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft nabaya[.]: The final letter of this word is unclear in Flint’s original transcription. Flint’s repetition on the recording seems to suggest that he heard nabayan. See Note 1 in “Flint’s Phonological Notes on Garawa and Yanyula”.
\fg buried
\ncfg English elicitation on the recording: “buried the white man”. nabaya is the word for “white man” (See the entry nabaya (“white man”) in “Garawa 297 Human and Kin”).
\fft
\ncfft
\os Belfrage 1992:37: janyba (refl verb) (“die”) (section 3.4.6)
Belfrage 1997:19: janyba (refl verb) (“1. be sick; 2. be dead”)
\ncos
\na jany-ba=ya nangka ngabayan-[ ]
\ncna
\ng die-UNM=YA 3sg.REFL white man-NOM
\ncng see note on =YA in “Garawa Grammar”
\ncng Translation: “The white man died”

\ft maka baya walijin bajangun
NOTE: There is no recording which corresponds exactly to this transcription. See "other recordings" field).
\or maka baya walijin bajanguwanyi; bajangun(2); bajangun(3)
\ncr bajangun(3) ("other recordings" field): informant's pronunciation seems to be bajanglun
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg maka baya walijin bajangun
buried meat (dog)
\ncfg bajangun is not glossed in Flint’s original transcription. The informant notes that it means “dog”.
\fft buried meat
\ncfft English gloss on recording: “to bury beef”
\os
\ncos
\na maka-ba=ya walijin-[ ] bajangu-wanyi

\ncna
\ng bury-UNM=YA beef-NOM dog-ERG
\ncng See note on =YA in “Garawa Grammar”
\ncng Translation: “The dog buries the beef”

\ft jajbajanga wunin
NOTE: There is no recording which corresponds exactly to Flint's transcription. See "other recordings" field.
\or jaenybaya nani wunin; jaenybaya nanir wunin(2)
\ncr Flint does not transcribe nani/nanir
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg jajbajanga wunin
NO GLOSS spear
\ncfg
\fft throw a spear
\ncfft English gloss on the recording: “to throw a spear”
\os Osborne 1966:8
”janba ”ngayu ”wunin
throw I spear
I threw a spear.
\ncos
\os Belfrage 1997:19: janyba (trans vb) (“1. blow out breath, play didgeridoo 2. throw away”)
\ncos
\os Belfrage 1997:73: wuni (noun) (“spear”)
\ncos
\os Belfrage 1997:52: nani (adverb) (“like this, like that”)
\na jany-ba=ya (nani) wunin-[ ]
\ncna
\ng throw-UNM=YA ?? spear-NOM
\ncng Translation: ??“to throw a spear”

\ft jaenybaya nana wunin manina
\or
\ncr The transcription of this item is crossed out in Flint’s original transcription. The transcription in the "flint's transcription" field is taken directly from the recording.
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg
\ncfg
\fft throw with the hand
\ncfft English gloss on the recording: “to throw with the hand”
\os
\ncos
\na jany-ba=ya nana wunin-[ ] mani-na
\ncna
\ng throw-UNM=YA that spear-NOM hand-INST
\ncng See note on =YA in “Garawa Grammar”
\ncng Translation: “to throw that spear with the hand”

\ft rani mba ngay[u] nanama langku
\or
\ncr Standard orthography based on the recording: rangimba ngayu nanama langku.
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg
\ncfg
\fft hit with a missile
\ncfft English gloss on the recording: “to hit with a missile”
\os Furby 1972:16: nanama (demonstrative pronoun “that nonspecific”)
\ncos
\os Belfrage 1997:61: rangimba (trans verb) (“throw or shoot weapon”)
\ncos
\na rangi-mba ngayu nanama langku-[ ]
\ncna
\ng shoot-UNM 1sg.subj that.nonspec.NOM missile-NOM
\ncng Translation: “I shoot the missile”.

\ft daba manina
\or
\ncr manina: The informant strongly emphasises the first syllable of this word in order to indicate the stress pattern.
\sd verbs and sentences
\ncft
\fg
\ncfg
\fft hit with the hand
\ncfft English gloss on the recording: “to hit with the hand”
\os
\ncos
\na da-ba mani-na
\ncna
\ng hit-UNM hand-INST
\ncng Translation: “to hit with the hand”

\ft dabangayu kuranba
NOTE: There is no recording which corresponds exactly to this transcription. See "other recordings" field.
\or daba ngayu kuranyu
\ncr kuranyu ("other recordings" field): the informant’s pronunciation approaches kurranyu
\sd verbs and sentences

\ft Flint’s transcription contains the entry daba ngayu kuranba. On the basis of the recording, I assume that this was formed from two clauses given by the informant: daba ngayu kuranyu and kuranba. These two clauses form separate entries in the database.
\ncft
\fg
\ncfg
\fft I killed him dead
\ncfft
\os Belfrage 1997:35-36: kurdan (adj) (“dead”)
\ncos
\na daba ngayu kurdan-yu
\ncna
\ng kill-UNM 1sg.subj dead-??
\ncng Translation: ??“I killed (him) dead”

\ft kuranba
\or
\ncr The informant’s pronunciation approaches kurranba.
\sd
\ncft Flint’s transcription contains the entry daba ngayu kuranba. On the basis of the recording, I assume that this was formed from two clauses given by the informant: daba ngayu kuranyu and kuranba. These two clauses form separate entries in the database.
\fg
\ncfg
\fft
\ncfft
\os Belfrage 1997:35: kurdanba (trans verb) (“hit, kill”)
\ncos
\na kurdan-ba
\ncna
\ng kill-UNM
\ncng Translation: ?? “to kill a person”
(c) 1999-2002 University of Queensland